Tuesday, September 27, 2022

Footsteps of Jesus

 Praise for the Lord #153

Words: Mary B. C. Slade, 1871
Music: Asa Brooks Everett, 1871

The author and composer of this hymn having been covered at length in two earlier posts, I will add just a little more here about the history and reception of this song, variously titled "Footsteps of Jesus" or "Footprints of Jesus" (the latter is the phrase actually used in the refrain, but the former is more commonly used as the title). Statistics from the Hymnary.org page for this text show that it has actually increased in average popularity over the years, appearing in 25% of the indexed hymnals from the late 20th century. In our current century it appears in the Baptist Hymnal (2008 edition), the Worship and Service Hymnal from Hope Publishing, The New National Baptist Hymnal, Rejoice Hymns (Fundamental Baptist), Celebrating Grace Hymnal (Baptist), and The Christian Life Hymnal (Hendrickson Publishing), to name a few.













It first appeared, along with many other Slade-Everett songs, in Good News (Boston: Oliver Ditson, 1876), edited by Rigdon McIntosh. It originally appeared with seven stanzas and a refrain:

Stanza 1:
Sweetly, Lord, have we heard Thee calling,
Come, follow Me!
And we see where Thy footprints falling,
Lead us to Thee.

Refrain:
Footprints of Jesus, that make the pathway glow;
We will follow the steps of Jesus wheree'er they go.

Stanza 2:
Though they lead o'er the cold dark mountains,
Seeking His sheep;
Or along by Siloam's fountains,
Helping the weak.
(Refrain)

Stanza 3:
If they lead through the temple holy,
Preaching the word;
Or in homes of the poor and lowly,
Serving the Lord.
(Refrain)

Stanza 4:
Though, dear Lord, in Thy pathway keeping,
We follow Thee;
Through the gloom of that place of weeping,
Gethsemane!
(Refrain)

Stanza 5:
If Thy way and its sorrows bearing,
We go again,
Up the slope of the hill-side, bearing
Our cross of pain.
(Refrain)

Stanza 6:
By and by, through the shining portals,
Turning our feet,
We shall walk with the glad immortals,
Heaven's golden streets.
(Refrain)

Stanza 7:
Then at last when on high He sees us,
Our journey done,
We will rest where the steps of Jesus
End at His throne.
(Refrain)

An abbreviated version appeared in McIntosh's next Sunday School publication, New Life (Nashville: M.E. Church South, 1879), which used stanzas 1, 2, 3, 6, 7. The 4th and 5th stanzas have tended to be the most often omitted, and later hymnals have differed chiefly in whether they have the 6th or 7th as the final stanza, or use both. Southern Baptist collections began using stanzas 1, 2, 3, 7, with popular books such as The Modern Hymnal (Nashville: Broadman, 1926) and The Broadman Hymnal (Nashville: Broadman, 1940). This seems to have become the standard for Baptist publications and many others over time. 

Among Churches of Christ, however, there was greater variation. Gospel Advocate Publishing's 1889 Christian Hymns, with Rigdon McIntosh as music editor, had a large number of Slade-Everett songs, including "Footsteps" with all seven of the original stanzas. Choice Gospel Hymns, from the same publisher in 1923, still carried all seven stanzas, but Greater Christian Hymns (1931) had reduced it to 1, 2, 3, 5, 7. The same reduced selection of stanzas was used in Christian Hymns (1935), the first of that series from Gospel Advocate edited by L. O. Sanderson. Christian Hymns #2 (1944) reduced the stanzas to 1, 2, and 7; but Christian Hymns III (1966) had a different selection, 1, 3, and 7. Songbooks from west of the Mississippi followed much the same pattern; one early Firm Foundation title, The New Gospel Songbook (Austin, Texas, 1914) has all seven original stanzas, but later editors cut it down to five. The numerous books published by Will Slater in Arkansas and Texas used stanzas 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, and Tillit Teddlie's early books Spiritual Melodies (Dallas, Texas, 1938) and Standard Gospel Songs (Sulphur Springs, Texas, 1944) use 1, 2, 3, 5, 7.  Common to all of these so far is the retention of stanza 7 as the conclusion of the song, which would seem to be natural.

For reasons unclear, however, Elmer Jorgenson used stanzas 1, 2, 3, and 6 in his Great Songs of the Church (Louisville, Kentucky: Word and Work, 1921). The longevity and influence of the "old blue book" made this version widely known, and many later hymnal editors among the Churches of Christ followed suit. Firm Foundation's popular Majestic Hymnal: Number Two (1959) used this selection of stanzas, as did Tillit Teddlie's Great Christian Hymnal (1965). It was also used in the hugely successful Songs of the Church books by Alton Howard (1973-1977), and in the next generation of hymnals, Praise for the Lord (Praise Press, 1992) and Songs of Faith and Praise (Howard Publishing, 1994). There remain exceptions--the selection of stanzas 1, 2, 3, 6, 7 appears in Sacred Selections (1960) and in later songbooks by M. Lynwood Smith, and Dane K. Shepard's Hymns for Worship (1987) uses 1, 2, and 7 only. The majority of Churches of Christ, however, probably know this sing only with stanzas 1, 2, 3, and 6. It seems a little unusual to lose the final stanza of a song, but it happens. Now for the text itself.

Stanza 1:
Sweetly, Lord, have we heard Thee calling,
Come, follow Me!
And we see where Thy footprints falling,
Lead us to Thee.

The earliest "followers" of Jesus seem to be Andrew and another unnamed disciple of John the Baptizer, found in John 1:35-39.

The next day again John was standing with two of his disciples, and he looked at Jesus as He walked by and said, "Behold, the Lamb of God!" The two disciples heard him say this, and they followed Jesus. Jesus turned and saw them following and said to them, "What are you seeking?" And they said to Him, "Rabbi" (which means Teacher), "where are you staying?" He said to them, "Come and you will see." So they came and saw where He was staying, and they stayed with Him that day, for it was about the tenth hour.

This was not the formal beginning of their discipleship, however, as we see from Matthew 4:18-22. Here, and in a few other passages, we are given a glimpse of the occasions when Jesus personally said the words quoted in the opening stanza of this song.

While walking by the Sea of Galilee, He saw two brothers, Simon (who is called Peter) and Andrew his brother, casting a net into the sea, for they were fishermen. And He said to them, "Follow me, and I will make you fishers of men." Immediately they left their nets and followed Him. And going on from there He saw two other brothers, James the son of Zebedee and John his brother, in the boat with Zebedee their father, mending their nets, and He called them. Immediately they left the boat and their father and followed Him. 

Galileean fishing boat, c. 1900
Gracin & Budiselić note that would-be disciples usually sought out a rabbi and requested to join his circle (as a scribe asks of Jesus in Matthew 8:19). It was apparently unusual, and a considerable honor, to be recruited by the rabbi as Jesus did with the Twelve (218). Does this help explain their immediate response? Peter and Andrew had perhaps been considering it, but still, it was a major commitment to walk away from their livelihood. Shmuel Safrai, noted scholar of Jewish history, says that disciples of a rabbi typically practiced a trade, or raised support from family and friends (965). We do not read of Jesus or the Twelve working during the time of His ministry, though Luke 8:1-3 lists some women who gave them financial support. Whatever it was, was not much; Jesus was very like the "wandering sages" Safrai describes among the rabbis of ancient times, who along with their full-time disciples depended on local charity from town to town (966). The fact that the hungry disciples sometimes made a meal of raw grain gleaned along the road (Matthew 12:1) indicates that this was not always a certainty.

In the case of the fishermen, perhaps, they could return to the family business at some point in the future (as Peter does briefly in John 21). But in Mark 2:14 we read, "And as [Jesus] passed by, He saw Levi the son of Alphaeus sitting at the tax booth, and He said to him, "Follow me." And he rose and followed Him." Levi (known better to us as Matthew) walked away from a coveted government job, probably with no guarantee he could return, yet still with the social stigma associated with the work. 

That call of "Come, follow Me," then, was serious, life-changing business. Safrai's comments on the rabbi-disciple relationship are worth quoting at length:

Learning by itself did not make a pupil, and he did not grasp the full significance of his teacher's learning in all its nuances except through prolonged intimacy with his teacher, through close association with his rich and profound mind. The disciples accompanied their sage as he went to teach, when he sat in the law court, when he was engaged in the performance of meritorious deeds such as helping the poor, redeeming slaves, collecting dowries for poor brides, burying the dead, etc. The pupil took his turn in preparing the common meal and catering for the general needs of the group. He performed personal services for his teacher, observed his conduct and was his respectful, loving, humble companion. Some laws could not be studied theoretically or merely discussed, but could only be learned by serving the teacher (964).

Book learning was a prerequisite, and part of the disciple's task was to commit his rabbi's teachings to memory; but it was just as important to learn how the rabbi lived out his teachings, and to imitate his example (Gracin & Budiselić 213). A man who remained unchanged by the experience was no disciple at all, but a dabbler. Certainly the Twelve were forever altered, as was impressed on the Jewish leaders in Acts 4:13 "Now when they saw the boldness of Peter and John, and perceived that they were uneducated, common men, they were astonished. And they recognized that they had been with Jesus."

In looking back on the decades that have passed since I myself answered that call, "Come, follow Me," I have to ask: Have I made following His path the focal point of my life, to which all else is either a necessary support to this central aim, or an avocation? Have I gone beyond learning the facts of what He said and did, to practicing this Way and knowing it through application? Have I really changed, so that people who knew me at an earlier point can see that I have been following Jesus? 

Refrain:
Footprints of Jesus, that make the pathway glow;
We will follow the steps of Jesus wheree'er they go.

The last words of the refrain introduce the theme Slade develops through the remainder of the stanzas. If we say we will follow the footsteps of Jesus "wheree'er they go," where might we end up? We have before us a simple song for children, but a deep and serious subject for adults. Matthew 8:19-20 tells us of one person who made this promise and was cautioned to think about it:

And a scribe came up and said to Him, "Teacher, I will follow you wherever you go." And Jesus said to him, "Foxes have holes, and birds of the air have nests, but the Son of Man has nowhere to lay His head."

That was an understatement of what Jesus' true disciples went through during His ministry. Over those three years the Twelve would follow Jesus in poverty, through increasing opposition from their society's leaders, and in one case right to the foot of the Teacher's cross. James was the first to be martyred, and according to tradition all but his brother John would follow him in turn. In the intervening time, as Paul recorded of his fellow Apostles,

We hunger and thirst, we are poorly dressed and buffeted and homeless, and we labor, working with our own hands. When reviled, we bless; when persecuted, we endure; when slandered, we entreat. We have become, and are still, like the scum of the world, the refuse of all things (1 Corinthians 4:11-13 )

But as Peter said, as if in counterpoint:

For what credit is it if, when you sin and are beaten for it, you endure? But if when you do good and suffer for it you endure, this is a gracious thing in the sight of God. For to this you have been called, because Christ also suffered for you, leaving you an example, so that you might follow in His steps (1 Peter 2:20-21)

At the same time we should never lose sight of why this path is so worth following, and what it is that "makes the pathway glow"--"I am the Light of the World. Whoever follows Me will not walk in darkness, but will have the light of life" (John 8:12). We follow these footsteps because, however hard the way may be, they are the only way that leads to eternal life. Are we ready for where the footsteps of Jesus will lead us? 

Though they lead o'er the cold dark mountains,
Seeking His sheep;
Or along by Siloam's fountains,
Helping the weak.
(Refrain)

The first two lines refer of course to the parable of the lost sheep, found in Matthew 18 and in Luke 15. 

What do you think? If a man has a hundred sheep, and one of them has gone astray, does he not leave the ninety-nine on the mountains and go in search of the one that went astray? And if he finds it, truly, I say to you, he rejoices over it more than over the ninety-nine that never went astray. So it is not the will of my Father who is in heaven that one of these little ones should perish (Mathew 18:12-14 ).

Back of this was a common understanding of the shepherd's relationship to the flock. This was not industrial animal husbandry; it was a family business, with generations of shepherds and generations of sheep living in interdependence. The sheep were identified not by number but by name, as we read in another passage where Jesus used this metaphor:

Truly, truly, I say to you, he who does not enter the sheepfold by the door but climbs in by another way, that man is a thief and a robber. But he who enters by the door is the shepherd of the sheep. To him the gatekeeper opens. The sheep hear his voice, and he calls his own sheep by name and leads them out. When he has brought out all his own, he goes before them, and the sheep follow him, for they know his voice. A stranger they will not follow, but they will flee from him, for they do not know the voice of strangers (John 10:1-5).

He continued the metaphor by drawing comparisons to the shepherd's commitment to the welfare of the sheep. The shepherd did not see them merely as assets that could be written off, but as individuals for which he was responsible. The passage reminds us of young David's defense of his flock, even against deadly predators (1 Samuel 17).

I am the Good Shepherd. The good shepherd lays down his life for the sheep. He who is a hired hand and not a shepherd, who does not own the sheep, sees the wolf coming and leaves the sheep and flees, and the wolf snatches them and scatters them. He flees because he is a hired hand and cares nothing for the sheep. I am the Good Shepherd. I know My own and My own know Me, just as the Father knows Me and I know the Father; and I lay down My life for the sheep (John 10:11-15).

Much of this applies to Jesus in a unique way, of course. You and I are not called on to lay down our lives for the lost sheep in the way that He knew He would; we could never have filled that role. But the followers of Jesus still have a responsibility to His sheep. Jesus prepared Peter for this in that memorable final chapter of John's gospel:

When they had finished breakfast, Jesus said to Simon Peter, "Simon, son of John, do you love Me more than these?" He said to Him, "Yes, Lord; You know that I love You." He said to him, "Feed My lambs." He said to him a second time, "Simon, son of John, do you love Me?" He said to Him, "Yes, Lord; You know that I love You." He said to him, "Tend My sheep." He said to him the third time, "Simon, son of John, do you love Me?" Peter was grieved because He said to him the third time, "Do you love Me?" and he said to Him, "Lord, You know everything; You know that I love You." Jesus said to him, "Feed My sheep" (John 21:15-17).

Though there was a special shepherding role for apostles (and in our time, for church elders), the point should not be lost on all the rest of us: one proof of our love for Jesus is to love His sheep, both the found ones and the lost ones. In Mark 9:36 we get this stirring insight into the mind and heart of Jesus : 
"When He saw the crowds, He had compassion for them, because they were harassed and helpless, like sheep without a shepherd." Our world is full of people just like them; may we learn to see them with compassion, as Jesus did, and help them find their way.

The second half of the stanza tightens the focus to show Jesus in the action of reaching out to His lost sheep through the healing of physical infirmities. The relief of suffering was a positive good, but also became an opportunity to uncover deeper problems of a spiritual nature (often found in the onlooking critics, rather than the sick person). It was certainly the case in John 9, where "Siloam's fountains" direct our attention:

As [Jesus] passed by, He saw a man blind from birth. And His disciples asked Him, "Rabbi, who sinned, this man or his parents, that he was born blind?" Jesus answered, "It was not that this man sinned, or his parents, but that the works of God might be displayed in him. We must work the works of Him who sent Me while it is day; night is coming, when no one can work. As long as I am in the world, I am the Light of the World." Having said these things, He spit on the ground and made mud with the saliva. Then He anointed the man's eyes with the mud and said to him, "Go, wash in the pool of Siloam" (which means Sent). So he went and washed and came back seeing (John 9:1-7).

Pool of Siloam
Pool of Siloam, rediscovered in 2006
Photo released to public domain by creator.
The disciples were not at their best here, appearing to see only a question for debate rather than a man in need. The Pharisees who examined his case after he was healed were even worse, accusing him of lying because they dared not admit that Jesus had actually done this. Even his own parents were cowed into inaction by their fear of offending their religious leaders. Jesus alone saw what was important--not how the man got into his situation, but how God could be glorified through his situation by helping him get onto a better path in life.

This stanza's mention of "helping the weak" also calls to mind another healing connected with a pool in Jerusalem:

Now there is in Jerusalem by the Sheep Gate a pool, in Aramaic called Bethesda, which has five roofed colonnades. In these lay a multitude of invalids--blind, lame, and paralyzed. ... One man was there who had been an invalid for thirty-eight years. When Jesus saw him lying there and knew that he had already been there a long time, He said to him, "Do you want to be healed?" The sick man answered Him, "Sir, I have no one to put me into the pool when the water is stirred up, and while I am going another steps down before me." Jesus said to him, "Get up, take up your bed, and walk." And at once the man was healed, and he took up his bed and walked (John 5:2-9).

John continues, "Now that day was the Sabbath," and students of the life of Christ need not be told what happened next. Once again the critics of Jesus were more concerned about the technicalities of Sabbath law (and their traditions) than about a man whose ability to work and supply his own needs had been restored. But Jesus saw the person behind the problem, even before healing him, as we see again in His interaction with a leper:

When [Jesus] came down from the mountain, great crowds followed Him. And behold, a leper came to Him and knelt before Him, saying, "Lord, if You will, You can make me clean." And Jesus stretched out His hand and touched him, saying, "I will; be clean." And immediately his leprosy was cleansed (Matthew 8:1-3).

In response to the leper's sweet, humble statement of faith, Jesus did what most dared not to do--He reached out His hand and touched him. If the common person was afraid of coming in contact with the uncleanness of leprosy, how much more should a rabbi avoid it? But Jesus stepped past the barriers that tradition and society had made between the community and people in such desperate need. He did it again with an unnamed woman in the following chapter:

And behold, a woman who had suffered from a discharge of blood for twelve years came up behind Him and touched the fringe of His garment, for she said to herself, "If I only touch His garment, I will be made well." Jesus turned, and seeing her He said, "Take heart, daughter; your faith has made you well." And instantly the woman was made well (Matthew 9:20-22).

For a woman to approach a rabbi and touch him in this way was shocking, and was compounded by the even greater taboo associated with her condition. With any another rabbi it certainly could have resulted in a humiliating spectacle; but instead Jesus responds in words of tender compassion and reassurance. He tells her to "take heart" and calls her "daughter," accepting her into His presence. Instead of rebuking her, He praises her faith; imperfect as it may have been, it was enough.

Following the footsteps of Jesus may lead us into situations we would rather not have to see, and places we would rather not go. It may challenge our ability to relate to people who have followed a different path and come to a dead end. Will the followers of Jesus reach out to those whose lives have fallen apart and give them hope? Will we look first for how to help, rather than where to cast blame? Will we reach across the barriers that divide people, and help them with kind words and a gentle touch? It would have been far easier for Jesus to have walked past these situations. It would have been easiest, of course, for Him never to have come to this fallen world in the first place.

Stanza 3:
If they lead through the temple holy,
Preaching the word;
Or in homes of the poor and lowly,
Serving the Lord.
(Refrain)

On His first trip to a feast in Jerusalem, the twelve-year-old Jesus stayed behind and got separated from His family, who finally found Him where they should have looked first--in the temple, discussing the Scriptures with the rabbis who held their schools there (Luke 2:41-52). It was a sweet and memorable scene--and also the last time He got a favorable reception from the temple leadership.

The week of the Crucifixion was more typical, starting off with a sound thrashing of the crooked money-changers who made merchandise of the worship of God:

And Jesus entered the temple and drove out all who sold and bought in the temple, and He overturned the tables of the money-changers and the seats of those who sold pigeons. He said to them, "It is written, 'My house shall be called a house of prayer,' but you make it a den of robbers." And the blind and the lame came to Him in the temple, and He healed them (Matthew 21:12-14).

It is tempting to take this as an invitation to indulge in righteous indignation, but we should respect the unique nature of Jesus' relationship to the temple. He of all men on earth had the authority to say what should go on in that house, and He set it to rights by throwing out the profiteers and returning it to its proper function as a place of worship, healing, and learning. We can however imitate His respect for the house of God--the spiritual temple of His church (Ephesians 2:19-21)--and for its holy purposes of worship, teaching, and charity.

The power of Jesus' preaching could not help but provoke a reaction. On the part of the innocent children, it was "Hosanna to the Son of David!" (Matthew 21:15); on the part of the religious leadership, it was "By what authority are You doing these things? (Matthew 21:23). This is one of the times when these opponents of Jesus, who so often engaged with Him in bad faith to catch Him in His words, were actually asking a relevant, important question. If we would follow the example of Jesus' teaching, we will respect the same standard of authority for that teaching that He presented: "The words that I say to you I do not speak on My own authority, but the Father who dwells in Me does His works" (John 14:10b). 

We can also learn from Jesus' teaching in the temple that presenting the truth will sometimes result in strong opposition. Though the common people "heard Him gladly" (Mark 12:37), His opposition came in waves that day to try to show Him up or trap Him in some statement they could use against Him. The Pharisees had their go at Him, then the Herodians, then the Sadducees; and each in turn was confounded by the power of His answers. At the end, "no one was able to answer Him a word, nor from that day did anyone dare to ask Him any more questions" (Matthew 22:46). 

There is great satisfaction in reading of how Jesus shut down His detractors, and if one is called on to deal with such situations, He sets the ultimate example--His answers were calm, well-reasoned, and clear, and He refused to stoop to name-calling or pettiness. If the truth, presented reasonably and kindly, must answer opposition, let it be in this manner. But Jesus did not come to win arguments with these hard-hearted opponents; He came "to seek and to save the lost" (Luke 19:10). In this midst of this whirlwind of mean-spirited challenges, we also read of an honest questioner whom Jesus heard out and pointed in the right direction:

And one of the scribes came up and heard them disputing with one another, and seeing that He answered them well, asked Him, "Which commandment is the most important of all?" Jesus answered, "The most important is, 'Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God, the Lord is one. And you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind and with all your strength.' The second is this: 'You shall love your neighbor as yourself.' There is no other commandment greater than these." And the scribe said to Him, "You are right, Teacher. You have truly said that He is one, and there is no other besides Him. And to love Him with all the heart and with all the understanding and with all the strength, and to love one's neighbor as oneself, is much more than all whole burnt offerings and sacrifices." And when Jesus saw that he answered wisely, he said to Him, "You are not far from the kingdom of God" (Mark 12:28-34a)

It was this man who could be reached, and Jesus focused on him for the moment that he needed. Let us be sure that winning arguments does not become our focus to the detriment of reaching out with the positive message of God's love and grace.

The second half of the stanza turns once again to the good works that accompanied Jesus' good teaching. His presence graced the homes of the "poor and lowly", for healing, teaching, and fellowship far more often than those of the rich and important. In fact His visits to the homes of the latter sort usually turned out awkwardly:

One of the Pharisees asked Him to eat with him, and He went into the Pharisee's house and reclined at table. And behold, a woman of the city, who was a sinner, when she learned that He was reclining at table in the Pharisee's house, brought an alabaster flask of ointment, and standing behind Him at his feet, weeping, she began to wet His feet with her tears and wiped them with the hair of her head and kissed His feet and anointed them with the ointment. Now when the Pharisee who had invited Him saw this, he said to himself, "If this man were a prophet, he would have known who and what sort of woman this is who is touching him, for she is a sinner." And Jesus answering said to him, "Simon, I have something to say to you." And he answered, "Say it, Teacher." 

Perhaps the Pharisee had hoped to engage Jesus in some religious discussion, but it was about to become much more personal than he had imagined!

"A certain moneylender had two debtors. One owed five hundred denarii, and the other fifty. When they could not pay, he cancelled the debt of both. Now which of them will love him more?" Simon answered, "The one, I suppose, for whom he cancelled the larger debt." And He said to him, "You have judged rightly." Then turning toward the woman he said to Simon, "Do you see this woman? I entered your house; you gave Me no water for My feet, but she has wet My feet with her tears and wiped them with her hair. You gave Me no kiss, but from the time I came in she has not ceased to kiss My feet. You did not anoint My head with oil, but she has anointed My feet with ointment. Therefore I tell you, her sins, which are many, are forgiven--for she loved much. But he who is forgiven little, loves little" (Luke 7:36-47).

We can also see that Jesus was not treated with as much respect as might have been expected for a visitor, much less a visiting rabbi. Another such invitation seems to have been a setup from the beginning:

One Sabbath, when He went to dine at the house of a ruler of the Pharisees, they were watching Him carefully. And behold, there was a man before Him who had dropsy. And Jesus responded to the lawyers and Pharisees, saying, "Is it lawful to heal on the Sabbath, or not?" But they remained silent. Then He took him and healed him and sent him away. And He said to them, "Which of you, having a son or an ox that has fallen into a well on a Sabbath day, will not immediately pull him out?" And they could not reply to these things." (Luke 14:1-6)

How much more easily did Jesus interact with the "poor and lowly"! Perhaps it was known that He began His earthly sojourn in a feed trough; certainly it was known that He was a "self-taught" Rabbi from a working-class background, whose companions were "uneducated, common men" (Acts 4:13). He was dependent on charity for His room and board when He could get it, and He seems to have had no possessions beyond what a man might carry on his person. Above all He was "lowly in heart" (Matthew 11:29) and treated the common people with dignity and respect; though He frankly acknowledged the past character of the woman before Him in the Pharisee's house, He also praised her repentance and current spiritual state before one of the leading men of the community. How her heart must have been lightened of its weight of guilt, and her head held a little higher with this restoration of dignity, as she made her way home!

Jesus' willingness to enter the homes of the outcast began early in His ministry with the calling of Matthew, which also illustrated the discomfort this created for the religious community around Him:

After this He went out and saw a tax collector named Levi, sitting at the tax booth. And He said to him, "Follow me." And leaving everything, he rose and followed Him. And Levi made him a great feast in his house, and there was a large company of tax collectors and others reclining at table with them. And the Pharisees and their scribes grumbled at His disciples, saying, "Why do you eat and drink with tax collectors and sinners?" And Jesus answered them, "Those who are well have no need of a physician, but those who are sick. I have not come to call the righteous but sinners to repentance" (Luke 5:27-32 ).

Jesus did not only wait for people to come hear Him teach; if opportunity presented itself, He went to them where they were. Matthew, because of his association with the Roman occupation, was a pariah to the Pharisees. Naturally his friends were of the same sort as himself. It was an odd group for a Rabbi to sit down with; but how long had it been, for many of them, since they had heard any spiritual teaching? And who needed it more than these? Jesus is even more explicit in His handling of a similar situation with another tax collector:

[Jesus] entered Jericho and was passing through. And behold, there was a man named Zacchaeus. He was a chief tax collector and was rich. And he was seeking to see who Jesus was, but on account of the crowd he could not, because he was small in stature. So he ran on ahead and climbed up into a sycamore tree to see Him, for He was about to pass that way. And when Jesus came to the place, He looked up and said to him, "Zacchaeus, hurry and come down, for I must stay at your house today." So he hurried and came down and received Him joyfully. And when they saw it, they all grumbled, "He has gone in to be the guest of a man who is a sinner." And Zacchaeus stood and said to the Lord, "Behold, Lord, the half of my goods I give to the poor. And if I have defrauded anyone of anything, I restore it fourfold." And Jesus said to him, "Today salvation has come to this house, since he also is a son of Abraham. For the Son of Man came to seek and to save the lost."" (Luke 19:1-10)

Here was a man who was willing not only to welcome Jesus into his home, but into his life and his heart. He was far closer to the kingdom than those who criticized Jesus for associating with him.

In the fourth chapter of John's gospel, Jesus also reached across social barriers of race and gender--at the same time. Intersectionality existed, of course, long before it was recognized as a term.

A woman from Samaria came to draw water. Jesus said to her, "Give me a drink." (For His disciples had gone away into the city to buy food.) The Samaritan woman said to Him, "How is it that You, a Jew, ask for a drink from me, a woman of Samaria?" (For Jews have no dealings with Samaritans) (John 4:7-9).

Jacob's Well, 1890s
The woman is shocked that a Jewish man would, first, recognize and speak to a Samaritan on purpose, and second, recognize and speak to a woman on purpose (at least one not of His own family). As the conversation continues, we learn that she had another strike against her in the ledgers of social acceptability--her history of illicit relationships. A rabbi could hardly be expected even to look at this woman; but Jesus engages her in a light-hearted conversation that quickly turns to the deepest spiritual questions. The end result showed that this Samaritan community was more receptive of Jesus than were the spiritual leaders of the Jews.

Many Samaritans from that town believed in Him because of the woman's testimony, "He told me all that I ever did." So when the Samaritans came to Him, they asked Him to stay with them, and He stayed there two days (John 4:39-40).

All this because Jesus was willing to ignore the barriers set up by society (rather than by God), and to look past this person's sinful background to see the truly lovely person she really was. It is also a reasonable assumption that Jesus dined and spent the night in a Samaritan home. If that was not horror enough to His Pharisee opposition, we can see from another incident that He was willing to go even further:

Now a centurion had a servant who was sick and at the point of death, who was highly valued by him. When the centurion heard about Jesus, he sent to him elders of the Jews, asking him to come and heal his servant. And when they came to Jesus, they pleaded with him earnestly, saying, "He is worthy to have you do this for him, for he loves our nation, and he is the one who built us our synagogue." And Jesus went with them. When he was not far from the house, the centurion sent friends, saying to him, "Lord, do not trouble yourself, for I am not worthy to have you come under my roof" (Luke 7:2-6). 

The centurion's message continued with a statement of faith that was perhaps limited in understanding, but overflowing with humble submission. Jesus took this as an opportunity to demonstrate both His power to heal and the power of such self-sacrificing faith; But had Jesus not been stopped by the centurion's message, would He not have gone into the home of a gentile, and a Roman soldier of the occupying army? 

Even when there were not such high stakes, the presence of Jesus was a blessing to any home. In the home of Peter He brought healing to His disciple's mother-in-law (Matthew 8:14-15). We also think especially of the home of Lazarus, Mary, and Martha in Bethany, where Jesus sometimes retreated from the hostility He faced in Jerusalem. Martha, of course, was one of those invaluable people who is good at organizing things, and on one occasion chided her sister for not helping her with all the preparations she thought were necessary to host their Visitor. But Jesus gently corrected her; the time spent with Him and His teaching was more important by far (Luke 10:38-42). Let us make sure that the spirit of Christ and the desire to follow Him is the guiding principle of our own homes, and let us bring His gracious presence to any home we visit by showing His compassion and concern.

Stanzas 4 & 5
Though, dear Lord, in Thy pathway keeping,
We follow Thee;
Through the gloom of that place of weeping,
Gethsemane!
(Refrain)

If Thy way and its sorrows bearing,
We go again,
Up the slope of the hill-side, bearing
Our cross of pain.
(Refrain)

In these "lost stanzas" (as far as current use goes), Mrs. Slade turns from Christ's interactions with others to His suffering and death. Following Jesus has already been shown to require a change in  our attitudes toward others and our obligations toward them; now it will require ourselves as well. In Mark 10:32, at the beginning of His determined march toward Jerusalem and His death, Jesus warned the Twelve again what was about to happen; "and those who followed were afraid." 

Following Jesus to Gethsemane that night must have been a strange journey. Surely some of the disciples might have questioned to themselves whether going into an isolated outdoor setting was the wisest thing to do, considering the plots being made against Jesus' life. And though they had been there before for periods of prayer, nothing could have prepared them for what they saw in Jesus that night. 

And He took with Him Peter and James and John, and began to be greatly distressed and troubled. And He said to them, "My soul is very sorrowful, even to death. Remain here and watch." And going a little farther, He fell on the ground and prayed that, if it were possible, the hour might pass from Him (Mark 14:33-35).

Ancient olive trees
in Gethsemane
It is not easy to witness someone going through deep grief, and Peter, James, and John were not able to keep watch with Jesus that night; Luke tells us that they were "sleeping for sorrow" at the end (Luke 22:45). In their defense, we do not know how long Jesus was there; it was at least an hour (Mark 14:37) and probably longer. We might also consider that hours in Gethsemane, then and now, pass by much more slowly. It is a comfort to know, when we go through our own versions of Gethsemane--those endless hours of uncertainty, grief, or despair that can accompany a crisis in one's life--that Jesus has been there too. But how often one longs for another person to there during these hours! It is a blessing to be able to provide that comfort too. Yet that also comes with a cost; waiting with a person in Gethsemane, helping to share their burden, is not easy work. 

There was fear as well as grief that night, and for most of the Twelve their following of Jesus came to an end temporarily. Simon Peter, of course, denied any fear or weakness. At the Last Supper, he had declared again his willingness even to die for Jesus' sake (John 13:37). The events that actually transpired, however, proved too much for his bravado. When the disciples reached Gethsemane, Jesus warned, "Pray that you may not enter into temptation" (Luke 22:40), and rightly so; before the night was over, Peter's willingness to follow Jesus was reduced to "following Him at a distance" (Matthew 26:58). Peter followed closely enough to keep Jesus in sight, but not closely enough that he might be mistaken for a disciple. That kind of following, unfortunately, is all too common even today. In fact, other than the apostle John (John 19:26). it was the women among Jesus' followers who stayed with Him all the way to the Cross (Matthew 27:55-56).

Peter stated his willingness to die for Jesus, and no doubt he was sincere, as at least one of the high priest's servants could attest (John 18:10). But Jesus called on him instead to do something that was in this case more difficult--to live for Him. Peter's larger-than-life personality was strangely matched with a fear of mockery, as he showed in the courtyard of the high priest later that night. But though he still had his stumbles (cf. Galatians 2:11-13), Peter eventually rose to the challenge and became a bold proclaimer of the gospel. The standard Jesus set was this: "If anyone would come after Me, let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow Me. For whoever would save his life will lose it, but whoever loses his life for My sake will find it" (Matthew 16:24-25). Peter's original goal of a glorious last stand in Gethsemane was serving his own ideas and led to humiliation; when he put self aside and took up the cross of patience and obedience he became truly great.

Stanzas 6 & 7:
By and by, through the shining portals,
Turning our feet,
We shall walk with the glad immortals,
Heaven's golden streets.
(Refrain)

Then at last when on high He sees us,
Our journey done,
We will rest where the steps of Jesus
End at His throne.
(Refrain)

In the preceding stanzas, Mary Slade's lyrics have explored some of the applications of the principle Jesus stated so succinctly in John 12:26, "If anyone serves Me, he must follow Me; and where I am, there will My servant be also." In these final two stanzas, we see the final and happiest outcome of following Jesus, as we consider the end of the journey. As Jesus said to His fearful disciples on the night of His betrayal,

"Let not your hearts be troubled. Believe in God; believe also in Me. In My Father's house are many rooms. If it were not so, would I have told you that I go to prepare a place for you? And if I go and prepare a place for you, I will come again and will take you to myself, that where I am you may be also" (John 14:1-3).

The follower of Jesus is likely to pass through a lot of different terrain on the journey, and to encounter many people and situations, some encouraging, some difficult, but all providing an opportunity to imitate our Lord and grow more like Him. When we are perplexed and discourage, let us remember His next words to the hesitant disciple Thomas:

Thomas said to Him, "Lord, we do not know where You are going. How can we know the way?" Jesus said to him, "I am the Way, and the Truth, and the Life. No one comes to the Father except through Me" (John 14:5-6).

Even when we have difficulty seeing the path ahead of us, as long as we keep Jesus in view, we can walk in His steps and find our way.

About the music:

When evaluating this music, it is important to remember  for whom it was composed: Sunday School children. Asa Brooks Everett was a capable composer of sacred choral music, as evidenced by his anthems, and also a fairly successful writer of popular parlor songs that remained in print for several years. He had also worked for years with his brothers in teaching vocal music to both adults and children, and had clear ideas of what he wanted to write for each. For children, the goal was to write within their developing capabilities, while offering them interesting melodies of good quality. Fortunately for following generations, this style also adapts well to the average congregational singer, especially when sung acappella.

The melody begins with a simple scale movement moving from MI to RE and then DO, but rather suddenly leaps up a major 6th (from "heard" to "Thee" in the first stanza). This is the first skip in the melody, and perhaps its most memorable feature. After reaching this highest note of the tune, the next phrase ("Come, follow Me") descends through the notes of the tonic chord (SOL-MI-DO). The rhythm plays a part in contrasting these phrases as well; the first moves along primarily in quarter notes with a steady pace, then "Come, follow Me" is in a more arresting "long-short-short-long" rhythm. For the first stanza at least, it suggests the steady footsteps of the follower followed by the commanding tones of Christ to His disciples. The third and fourth phrases ("And we see... Lead us to Thee") parallel the first two; the third phrase in fact is identical to the first, and the fourth differs only in pitch in order to bring the musical period to a close on the keynote.

The refrain begins by returning to the high note reached in the 1st and 3rd phrases of the stanza, by the same leap of a major 6th. The rhythm of the fist two phrases ("Footprints of Jesus / That make the pathway glow") is a reversal of that found in the stanza, however; the long-short-short-long rhythm is in the first phrase, while the marching quarter notes are in the second phrase. The 3rd and 4th phrases of the refrain are of course the same as those of the stanza. Overall, then the stanza and chorus together make a double period of four sections, a a' b a'.

The harmony is notably simple. There is not a single accidental in sight, and the chords are the common tonic (E-flat), subdominant (A-flat), and dominant (B-flat) except for a lone submediant (C minor) at the beginning of the 4th phase of the stanza ("LEAD us to Thee"). Everett avoided the sometimes excessive chromaticism of the gospel song style in general, choosing instead a simple, folk-like approach with a strong, singable melody supported by simple, logical harmony. It is a style of writing worth imitation!

p.s. As much as I like Everett's writing in general, I would be remiss if I did not mention the alto part in this song. It consists almost exclusively of a single note, E-flat, relieved by a change to D exactly four times, once every other phrase. Here the altos pay the price for relatively interesting parts in the other voices. I suggest that this is in fact the Most Boring Alto Part Ever Written, and I invite the reader to name another if it is not.


References:

Gracin, Martina, and Ervin Budiselić. “Razumijevanje Učeništva u Kontekstu Židovstva Isusova Vremena - 1. Dio. = Discipleship in the Context of Judaism in Jesus' Time - Part I." Kairos: Evangelical Journal of Theology, vol. 13, no. 2, July 2019, pp. 207–226. EBSCOhost, https://doi-org.ezproxy.tcu.edu/10.32862/k1.13.2.3.

Safrai, Shmuel. "Education and the study of the Torah." The Jewish people in the first century: historical geography, political history, social, cultural and religious life and institutions, ed. Shmuel Safrai and Menahem Stern. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974.

Tuesday, August 9, 2022

Asa Brooks Everett (1828-1875)

N.B. The following account discusses drug abuse and possible suicide.

In an earlier post I examined the gospel songs of Mary Bridges Canedy Slade, many of which were set to music by the relatively obscure composer Dr. Asa Brooks Everett. I had originally thought to look at both lyricist and composer together, but the difficulty of researching Everett’s history led to putting his story off for a post of its own. For example, in a post a few years ago on the Slade-Everett song “Beyond this land of parting”, I suggested that Everett’s honorific “Dr.” might have been the customary title assumed by many American musicians in the 19th century who could claim some sort of European training. It is typical of the confusing case of Everett that on the one hand, I am less sure now that he ever studied in Europe, but on the other hand, there is convincing evidence that he was actually an M.D. Several points in his biography, in fact, are confusing and questionable. My goal here is to present what facts I can, with some reasonable speculation, in hopes that it may provide a starting point for someone else with more time and access to primary sources. A. B. Everett would seem to be ripe for an academic thesis, and so far as I can tell has not been studied in that depth.

Asa Brooks Everett was born in 1828 to Nathan and Sarah Everett in Randolph County, Virginia (now West Virginia), at the heart of the Monongahela National Forest in the Allegheny Mountains (Nathan Everett Pedigree Resource File; 1830 Census). Nathan Everett was a Primitive Baptist preacher, holding services in a log building a few miles south of Beverly (Hu, 313). Asa Brooks had ten older brothers and sisters, most of whom were considerably older. He would work closely, however, with his next oldest sibling, Lemuel Charles Everett (1818-1866), and also with Benjamin Holden Everett (1809-1889), both of whom were composers, music teachers, and publishers. His closest sibling was probably Sarah, his little sister by two years. Their mother passed away the same year, perhaps in childbirth (Nathan Everett Pedigree Resource File), and Asa Brooks would be raised by his stepmother Rebecca, who gave birth to his younger brother Walter in about 1840 (1850 census).

By 1839 the Everetts had moved to Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania (“Hymeneal”), first settling in Todd Township, about 150 miles northeast along the Allegheny range (1840 Census). Nathan Everett was pastor of the Huntingdon Baptist Church (Africa 240) and identified politically with the Whigs (“Whig Club”). Some of the family remained in this area or returned over the years, such as Asa's older brother Benjamin Holden Everett (1870 Census). It is worth noting that then-western Virginia (now the state of West Virginia) and the mountainous central region of Pennsylvania were--and still are--more similar to each other than to the coastal cities of their respective states, both culturally and politically. Though Asa Brooks Everett was a Virginian by birth and would be remembered chiefly for his teaching and publishing in the Southern states, his background was considerably more complicated. 

Asa Brooks Everett, date unknown, from Hall's
Biography of Gospel Song and Hymn Writers
Of Asa Brooks Everett’s childhood I have found nothing else, except the somewhat disconcerting notice in the Huntingdon Journal that he was tried for “larceny of a horse” in 1845 at the age of approximately seventeen. Though he was judged not guilty, it was not his last brush with the law (“Proceedings”). In 1850 Asa and his older brother Lemuel were arrested in Cass Township, Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania for "seduction" and assault and battery, escaped custody and fled the state (Bowman). ("Seduction" meant a lady's character had been compromised, so to speak, under pretenses of matrimony; the assault and battery was likely a natural consequence of the former charge and probably involved her male relatives.) I have been unable to find any more  information on this event, and can only wonder what actually happened. Other than these two incidents just mentioned, A. B. Everett was spoken of very highly; an 1858 editorial from the Baltimore American claimed, "we have the pleasure of knowing the Messrs. Everett personally," and described them as "high toned, honorable and noble hearted gentlemen" (reprinted in "Sacred music"). The trouble in Pennsylvania, however, may have had a part in their "coming south before the war" as Rigdon McIntosh put it (Oswalt 11).

Where A. B. Everett spent the late 1840s to the middle 1850s is a puzzle. The notice of the 1850 arrest in Cass states that the Everett brothers "lately came here from Virginia or the neighborhood of Washington City, and were engaged teaching singing school" (Bowman), so he had already left home. "L. C. Everett & Co." were organizing classes in Alexandria, Virginia in December of 1849 (Everett, L. C., "Vocal music"), and the association of the Everetts with the Washington, D.C. environs would last for many years. But when and where did A. B. Everett receive his musical education? And when and where did he become a medical doctor?

The primary source of information about Asa Brooks Everett has been Jacob H. Hall's Biography of Gospel Song Writers (New York: Revell, 1914). Hall (1855-1941) was a Virginian and closely associated with the music publishers Ruebush & Kieffer, actually taking Aldine Kieffer's place as editor during the 1890s (Morrison 153). Though there is no evidence of his direct contact with A. B. Everett, Hall was twenty at the time of Everett's death, was well acquainted with people who had worked with Everett , and could be expected to be familiar with his career. Hall claims that,

The Everetts and McIntosh were to the music of the South what Mason, Hastings, Bradbury and others were to the music of the North. . . . (97)

In early manhood they were broadly and liberally educated, the one for the Christian ministry and the other for the practice of medicine. During this time Mr. L. C. Everett gave much attention to the study of church music . . . His example influenced his younger brother, and together they pursued their studies and investigations of the subject. Being passionately fond of music, they became intensely interested and finally decided to forego their original purposes and to adopt music as their profession.

On the strength of this decision they went to Boston, and took a pretty thorough course of musical instruction. . . Returning South they began teaching vocal music in classes and soon became famous. Being desirous of still further musical study, Dr. A. B. Everett went to Leipzig, Germany, and took a four years' course. He then returned to America and joined his brother in an effort to develop an easy practical and scientific method of elementary class instruction. "The Everett System" was the final outcome, and was exceedingly popular in its day. 

The L. C. Everett Co., which consisted of L. C. and A. B. Everett, and R. M. Mcintosh, had prior to the Civil War in their employ over fifty teachers of vocal music in the Southern and Middle Atlantic states . . . (98)  

For a time they made Richmond, Va., their headquarters. Later the Everett family moved to Pennsylvania. . . 

Dr. A. B. Everett composed many excellent hymn tunes and anthems, and devoted the latter years of his life almost entirely to writing gospel songs. The following are considered among his most popular : ''Footsteps of Jesus," "Knocking at the Door," "Come Unto Me," "To that City Will You Go ?," " Hear Him Calling," and "Summer Land." . . . (99) 

Prof. L. C. Everett was a member of the M. E. Church South, and Dr. A. B. Everett a communicant of the Christian Church (100).

Some details are obviously incorrect and imply sketchy, second-hand knowledge--for example, Hall is correct that the Everetts moved from Virginia to Pennsylvania, but implies that it was after the Everett Company's heyday in Richmond during the 1850s, when in fact Asa Brooks had grown to manhood in Pennsylvania in the 1840s. Hall telegraphs an uncertainty about the facts in the opening of the chapter:

It is greatly to be regretted that the records we have of the lives of the Everetts are so meagre. Strange to say, and strange as it may seem, there was but little record kept of the work and lives of these great men of the southland (97).

With this in mind, I propose to examine Hall's basic outline of events, with the caveat that he may have been misinformed of their order, location, or extent:

  1. Asa Brooks Everett trained in medicine, and earned the title "Doctor" in that profession.
  2. A. B. followed L. C. Everett into music and received musical training in Boston.
  3. They returned south, founded the L. C. Everett Company in Richmond, and taught the "Everett System" across the South.
  4. A. B. went to Leipzig (or to Germany at least--DRH) for a few years of instruction.
  5. They later moved to Pennsylvania (or back North--DRH).
  6. Though A. B. Everett wrote traditional hymn tunes and anthems, in his last years he turned to writing gospel songs.
  7. A. B. Everett died in Nashville, Tennessee in 1875 (actually Alamo, TN--DRH).

1. Asa Brooks Everett's medical training


Thanks to the ever-expanding digitization of archival documents, it is now evident that A. B. Everett was a student in the M.D. program at the University of Nashville Medical Department in 1857-58. His sponsor was the National Medical College of Washington D.C. (Catalogue 1857-8, 13). The role of the "sponsor" (today more commonly called a preceptor) is to provide clinical experience, and was either an individual doctor's practice or, as in Everett's case, a hospital or other institution. As already mentioned, his brother L. C. Everett was in the Washington area as early as 1849, and an 1853 notice of hotel arrivals in Washington places L. C. Everett there again, listing his residence in Maryland ("List of arrivals"). It is possible that A. B. lived with his brother while studying at the National Medical College (today the Georgetown University School of Medicine) during the 1850s or even the late 1840s. I have not been able to find evidence that he received a degree there, but he may have completed his clinical training. 

Though clinical experience is typically the latter stage of medical training today, in the less standardized era of the antebellum U.S. it would not have been unusual for Everett to spread out various parts of his medical education. Robert Slawson's excellent article "Medical Training in the United States Prior to the Civil War" points out that during the era, "Only between 25% and 40% of medical school attendees ever graduated. In 1830, probably no more than 40% of practitioners had medical degrees. As late as 1850, as many as 25% of physicians had no degree" (17). Requirements for an M.D. were generally two years of classes and three years of preceptorship (14), and "many started practice with minimal preceptorship and/or minimal attendance at a medical school." In addition, Slawson notes that "In the United States, in contrast to the situation in Europe, the majority of medical practitioners were called 'doctor'" (14); that is, "Doctor" was sometimes a courtesy title for anyone who practiced medicine, and not reserved for those with certain medical degrees. 

This may explain why Everett referred to himself as "Dr. A. B. Everett" in music book advertisements as early as 1855 (New York Musical Review, 2 June 1855, VI:12, 192), but as "Asa Brooks Everett, M.D." in his 1859 song "I love the little laughing rill", after his graduation. Interestingly, in a University of Nashville medical lecture published in November 1857, "A. Brooks Everett, M.D., Va." is listed a member of the "Medical Class" that fall (Buchanan). His obituary in the Staunton Vindicator (Staunton, Virginia) claimed he was an 1857 graduate ("Sad death"), and the University of Nashville catalogue does not list him as a graduate in 1857-58, so perhaps he graduated in the spring of 1857 and continued postgraduate study. It is unknown whether Everett actually practiced medicine, but he obviously did not give up his medical education in favor of music; rather, he pursued them simultaneously, or perhaps in alternation.  

2. Asa Brooks & Lemuel C. Everett's musical training in Boston. 


I have found no trace of the Everetts in Boston other than some published works in the later 1850s, but its was certainly the place to be for aspiring music educators in the 19th century. Boston was a center of the "better music movement" (read "European" for "better") that was gathering steam in the coastal cities, and in church music and music education it found a champion in Lowell Mason (1792-1872). Recognized today as the founder of music education in the U.S., Mason recognized the critical need to first teach the teacher, and in 1834 added a teacher education department to the Boston Academy of Music. By 1845, this program of eight- to ten-day seminars had more than 500 aspiring teachers enrolled (Hash 268). Though the Academy itself ceased operations in 1847, its influence was carried forward by a multitude of other organizations. The Musical Education Society, for example, was composed of Boston Academy students who met weekly to sing more challenging music and for further training from Mason or his colleague George Webb. This organization outlived the Academy by another decade (Pemberton 184). Teacher training seminars based on the Boston Academy plan began to be offered all along the East Coast and through the upper Midwest, and in the early 1850s these gave way to more structured summer-long "normal institutes" such as the Normal Musical Institutes conducted by Mason, George F. Root, and William Bradbury (Hash 268-270). 

In support of the Everetts' possible association with Lowell Mason and the Boston Academy of Music is the later appearance of the "Everett teaching system", detailed through at least the first eight lessons in A. B. Everett's The Sceptre of 1871. Though it is far narrower in scope than, for example, Lowell Mason's Manual of the Boston Academy of Music (1839), this is by design: Everett explains that he has stripped the material down to that which will make decent sight-singers for typical church music of the day, leaving out many of the more complex concepts that would rarely if ever be needed for that repertoire. Even so, Everett's approach is often similar to that of Mason, based on the inductive learning approach of Pestalozzi (as stated in the full title of Mason's work). The Everett System was even sometimes called the "Everett induction method" ("Prof. G. W. Linton"). Little more can be said on this point until further information is discovered, except that as earlier noted, L. C. Everett was organizing music classes of his own by the end of 1849, and A. B. Everett was involved by 1850. Asa's time in Boston, therefore, was probably the last few years of the 1840s; if he arrived in 1846 at the age of eighteen (being in company of his much older brother), he might even have attended the Boston Academy itself. And, suggestively, the Everetts' first church music collection, The Progressive Church Vocalist, was published in 1855 in New York by Mason Brothers--a publishing firm recently founded by Lowell Mason's sons. 

The hymn "RYLAND", dated 1849, is the earliest work by Everett I have found. From The Tabor (1866).
N.B. Following the custom in American church music at the time, the tenor is on top, the soprano above the bass.







3. Return to the South, the L. C. Everett Co., and the "Everett System". 

As previously mentioned, in December 1849 L. C. Everett was organizing vocal classes in the Alexandria, Virginia area with the aim to "stir up a reformation throughout the State of Virginia" ("Vocal music"). Though the Everett brothers were teaching in Pennsylvania in 1850 (prior to their hasty and illegal departure), their sights were set on the South. The next mention of their activities I have found is in Charleston, South Carolina, where they held a course of lessons in vocal music in Rev. Dr. Smyth's lecture room on Society Street in mid-November. The next definite mention of Asa Brooks's whereabouts is a notice of hotel arrivals placing him in Richmond in early March of 1853, and noting his place of residence as Staunton, Virginia ("Arrivals at the principal hotels"). Staunton, favorably located at a major crossroads in the Shenandoah Valley, would have been an ideal base, with major roads to Richmond, Washington, and points south and west. It was also the home of another brother, Elijah G. Everett, a lawyer ("E. G. Everett") and occasional composer (McIntosh, Tabor, 61). When the Everett brothers' first publication appeared, The Progressive Church Vocalist (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), it was available in the South from Elijah Everett in Staunton ("Progressive Church Vocalist", New York Musical Review).

The first definite mention of the Everetts operating from Richmond is the publication of the Thesaurus Musicus in 1856. Though it was again published by Mason Brothers in New York City, it was simultaneously published in Richmond by the editors, L. C. and Dr. A. B. Everett. Oswalt's invaluable dissertation on Rigdon McIntosh notes that it was 1856 when McIntosh actually moved to Richmond to join the Everett Company, and the Virginia capital was the publishing home of this enterprise until it ceased operation during the Civil War. The New Thesaurus Musicus appeared in 1858, and Everett's Sabbath Chime in 1860, followed by reprints even through the war years. (When A. B. published under his own name alone, however, he often used other publishers.)

The Everetts' intention to "stir up a reformation" of musical literacy in the South was to some extent quixotic, primarily because they refused to employ the already entrenched shape-note tradition. William Walker's Southern Harmony (1835), and the then-new Sacred Harp (1844) from Georgia, carried the traditional four-shape system further south and west, while the seven-shape system of future Southern gospel was already getting notice with Joseph Funk's 1851 edition of Harmonia Sacra in Virginia's Shenandoah Valley. Lewis Oswalt's description of Rigdon McIntosh's early publications The Tabor (1866) and Hermon (1973) is illustrative of the situation faced by the Everetts:

McIntosh was trained by the Everetts in a style of music and a form of notation that were used by a minority of southern people, and although he adopted the Everetts' approach and taught their system, he was always aware that some southerners did not appreciate the interference of "outsiders". Tabor and Hermon were representative of that "outsider" style and form of notation, and while there was a considerable amount of music by southern composers in both books, it was representative of the tradition of Lowell Mason and other northern tunebook compilers. Thus McIntosh's tunebooks were in stark contrast to the shape-note books popular in the South with their indigenous tunes, open harmonies, contrapuntal inner voices, and other folk elements (Oswalt 93ff.).

Based on the descriptions and actions of their contemporaries, however, the Everetts made a considerable impact in the South in spite of these difficulties. McIntosh had just begun a career as a teacher in Triana, Alabama (near Huntsville) in 1854, when the opportunity to attend a session of the Everetts' traveling music institute caused him to change careers. They received outstanding reviews in the newspapers of the larger cities, as seen in an article from the Memphis Daily Appeal, 6 February 1857, which is worth quoting at length:

The proper effect of Divine worship is greatly improved and rendered more salutary and imposing by a correct and expressive vocal performance of the psalms and hymns. Its magic influence upon the minds and hearts of worshipping congregations, in bringing them to sober and solemn contemplation, and in preparing them for an attentive and prayerful hearing of the Word of God, is universally admitted; and we cannot conceive how it is possible for any one to feel a deep and lively interest in the culture of morality and religion, and, at the same time, entertain feelings of indifference in regard to the general cultivation of sacred vocal music, which, in all ages of the world, has, very justly, been regarded as the hand-maid of virtue and piety.

That the moral and religious portion of our community attach due consequence to this important subject, we do not pretend to doubt; but, that there is a universal deficiency in the music of our churches, no one will venture to deny. Then it becomes our duty, if possible, by a careful and intelligent investigation, to ascertain the true cause of the deficiency, and to take early and efficient measures to remedy the evil. The means of acquiring all necessary information on this important subject are now placed within the grasp of our entire church-going population, and all others interested, through the medium of a series of two or three illustrative lectures, proposed to be given by Prof. L. C. and Dr. A. B. Everett, in each of our churches--the object being to prepare the way for the establishment of congregational classes for elementary and practical training. One of the above gentlemen, Prof. L. C. E., gave an introductory lecture to an unusually attentive and delighted audience, in the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, on Tuesday night last. The force of the Professor's arguments and vocal illustrations upon this occasion was such as to convince, we believe, even the most skeptical of his audience of the feasibility of his propositions, and the prompt action of the interested audience in the formation of a large class gave abundant evidence of the high degree of satisfaction realized from the lecture. 

These gentlemen enjoy an enviable and well merited reputation as composers and teachers of sacred Music, and are conjointly the authors of two valuable works on this subject. The first of which known as "The Progressive Church Vocalist" issued two years since, of which several large editions have been exhausted, is still held in very high estimation, while the second, entitled "Thesaurus Musicus," which first appeared in August last, has run through an extensive edition, and is destined to become the standard work of the South. From the various notices which we have seen of Prof. L. C. and Dr. A. B. Everett, we have become deeply interested in them, and feel much anxiety for the success of the laudable and praiseworthy enterprise in which they, in connection with two of their brothers, are so zealously engaged. They have associated themselves together for the purpose of elevating the standard of Sacred Music in the Southern States; and, being southerners themselves, (hailing from the ''Old Dominion") and possessing the highest qualifications in their profession, they richly deserve the universal patronage and co-operation in this great work of every community in the South; and we are pleased to see them endorsed by many of the most eminent clergymen, and other prominent citizens of our section of the Union. We would here add that in order to the successful bringing about of this important reformation they have employed at their own expence a large number of highly qualified assistant teachers who are at present laboring in various parts of the South for the promotion of the cause. We esteem the opportunity now offered the citizens of Memphis for improvement in this sacred and too much neglected science as one of rare occurrence and which should be eagerly embraced by all whose circumstances will admit of their so doing ("Vocal music", Memphis Daily Appeal).

The old 1st Cumberland Presbyterian Church,
Memphis, where the Everetts taught in 1857
From historic-memphis.com

An even more flattering picture comes from a letter to the Home Journal of Winchester, Tennessee in December of the same year: 

Mr. Editor:

Having always been a lover of Music, having always appreciated its utility as a science, and looked upon it as one of the most necessary branches of education, and as one of the greatest embellishments belonging to an educated lady or gentleman; and especially, believing good Vocal Music one of the most indispensable parts of Divine Service–at the same time forced to regret the glaring deficiency in the execution of Sacred Music in our churches generally–often having to witness and feel the mortification of discord and jargon, instead of the soul-inspiring, animating and expressive performance, that may be truly termed singing “with the spirit and the understanding”--I would ask a little space in your paper for a few paragraphs touching its great importance, and the golden advantages we are at this time honored with in this community, for elevating the standard of vocal music, and adding much to the interest of divine service in our churches.

For the last 18 or 20 years, many courses of instruction have been given in this place in church music; many hundreds of dollars have been expended for furnishing good and efficient choirs in our churches, while some few of our citizens who had made themselves sufficiently acquainted with its principles, have kindly given much of their time to the instruction of others, and they are entitled to the gratitude of all the lovers of religious worship and friends to morality and refinement in this community–but they have had to labor under many disadvantages, such as the early imbibed habit of dragging or drawling in performance, a want of general and deep interest being felt, and consequently the want of a better and livelier appreciation of the beauties and real worth of efficient vocal performance, &c., and more or less incapacity to feel the charm and power "that sways the breast; Bids every passion revel or be still," and tunes the soul to harmony, has prevailed. Indeed, we are far behind, here, in vocal music. But I am pleased to know we have an auspicious opportunity now of cultivating the taste and improving the ear, thus enabling us to elevate the standard of church music, and exert a moral and refining influence in our midst, that will tell for the honor of our community, when many of us who worship at its shrine now, shall have left the walks of men.

Now, while we have so good an opportunity for such decided improvement, I trust it will be seized with avidity.

In the course of the twelve lessons given by Prof. L. C. Everett, just ended, the fact is already established here, that almost every person can learn to sing and read music with great facility; even in less than a dozen lessons. I had the pleasure of being present on two occasions of taking lessons, and I have no hesitancy in asserting, that never before have I witnessed such rapid improvement. To see a class of respectable size, each one in the class taking up pieces entirely new to the whole class, and singing the four parts off with remarkable ease, at sight, and with more tact, grace and expression than is common in old choirs, is what I have never before seen in Winchester, nor anywhere else; and I have been present on many similar occasion of vocal performance. 

Prof. L. C. Everett's manner of lecturing and imparting instruction is decidedly superior to anything I have ever witnessed from any other teacher of vocal music. His easy and instructive illustrations on the black board, his forcible and lucid manner of explanation, the attractive manner in which the pupil is led on, step by step, in the delightful and heavenly science, the lively interest he so happily infuses in the class, and the entire control he naturally and agreeably exercises over them, at once give him a decided superiority, and ensure rapid and thorough improvement. 

No humbug in his case--though this is an age of humbuggery and deception. On the contrary, he goes beyond his pledges, and surpasses the expectation of the most sanguine. 

Never before have I known the Chromatic scale introduced. It is a new thing to us here. 

I find that even we who thought we knew a thing or two about music are just beginning to see "its nameless graces" and feel its inspiration. 

It is truly gratifying that another and larger class has been raised, and that, too, principally by the agency of several of our clever ladies, to whom we should feel under lasting obligations for their noble and praiseworthy conduct in this, as in every instance where failure is about to be made and they come up to our rescue!--for they are always more energetic and successful in any good cause than we poor men, after we think we have done our very best.

The many notices of Profs. L. C. & A. B. Everett, in connection with two other brothers, to be seen in most of the leading papers North and South, speak of them in the highest and most commendable terms, of their already successful efforts as teachers and composers of sacred music, and their great and laudable enterprise of effecting a reformation throughout the South in the knowledge and practice of a science so much neglected, and of such incalculable importance and utility.

The brothers Mason, who have done so much for the musical world, are not more highly complimented by the papers of their own latitude than the brothers Everett now are by the same papers, and by the press wherever they have been.--In Washington, Baltimore and Richmond, and other cities still farther North, the press is only awarding to them what they richly merit--the preference over all others engaged in teaching the science of vocal music.

Success to them in an enterprise so noble–so elevated–so sublime in itself, as that of elevating to its legitimate position the beauty and efficacy of a science that engages the attention of celestial choirs in harmonious strains of sublimity beyond description, and beyond mortal conception. 

AN OBSERVER ("Vocal music", Winchester Home Journal).

Oswalt's research on Rigdon McIntosh, however, shows the somewhat cooler reception they may have received outside the cities. According to McIntosh, it was his own rural Tennessee roots that helped break the ice for the Everett brothers; he could "give them a kind of southern status by uniting with them in business and traveling with them through the southern states" (Oswalt 11). This notwithstanding, they appeared to have been thriving in the late 1850s. In addition to the engagements already mentioned in Memphis and in Winchester, the Everett Company had classes in Nashville in January 1858 ("Vocal music", Nashville Union), in Macon, Georgia in June of that year ("Sacred Music"), and in Raleigh, North Carolina in April 1859 ("Singing in church"). Though these are obviously just a few of the places they may have taught, it is interesting that all of them were major cities or college towns where the Everetts would find well-established churches and well-educated audiences.

4. Asa Brooks Everett's education in Germany.


Hall claims that A. B. Everett "went to Leipzig, Germany, and took a four years' course" (98) soon after the Everetts began their music teaching career. Elam D. Bomberger's dissertation on 19th-century American music students in Germany lists Everett as having studied in Leipzig, but Bomberger found no information as to when or with whom (411). It is interesting to note that William Mason, the son of Lowell Mason and later publisher of the Everetts' first sacred music collection, was a student in Leipzig 1849-1850, studying with Ignaz Moscheles, Moritz Hauptmann, and Ernst Friedrich Richter (Bomberger 357). Other gospel music composers who studied in Leipzig include William B. Bradbury in the 1840s (55 n. 30) and Charles C. Converse in 1855-1856 (357). Unfortunately Bomberger did not discover any more specific evidence for A. B. Everett's presence there beyond the received tradition in the standard reference works, which themselves generally refer back to Jacob H. Hall.

Adolph Bernhard Marx
Courtesy of Leo Baeck Institute
Another source has surfaced, however, that casts this problem in a different light. In an 1897 retrospective, the venerable shape-note gospel publisher Aldine S. Kieffer told of his one and only meeting with A. B. Everett. It was the summer of 1859 at Halifax Courthouse, Virginia, and (not surprisingly) in the company of Rigdon McIntosh. Kieffer quotes Everett as saying of his early training, "I was for a long time a student with Dr. Marx, of Germany" (Kieffer). This is almost certainly Adolph Bernhard Marx (1795-1866), best known today as one of the earliest scholars to make a serious study of the works of Beethoven. Marx lectured in music at the University of Berlin (today the Humboldt University of Berlin) from the 1830s, and in 1850 was a co-founder of what became the Stern Conservatory. Better known today as a music theorist and historian than as a composer, Marx "rejected the idea of music theory as specialized knowledge for professional musicians, arguing instead that it was an opportunity for any human being to grow and develop as a whole person as he or she progressed through an organically constructed course of musical instruction" (Pederson 14). This approach to music education parallels the inductive method of Mason and the Everetts, and shows a similar spirit in thinking of musical training as a social good. If A. B. Everett studied with Marx, he almost certainly did so in Berlin, and probably prior to 1856 when Marx had a falling out with the conservatory faculty that led to his departure (Pederson 14). No contemporary records have been discovered so far to positively indicate A. B. Everett's presence in either Berlin or Leipzig; but Bomberger notes that records for the period 1850-1900 are missing from the Stern Conservatory (316). 

It is reasonable to suppose, then, that A. B. Everett went to Germany sometime during 1850-1855. Bomberger found that the average sojourn of an American studying at the German conservatories was two to three years (208), so this event would easily fit between Asa's known activities around 1850 and his more obvious presence in the South from 1855 onward. Additionally, his sacred music activities were paralleled in the second half of the 1850s by the publication of secular songs for solo voice and piano,  reflecting a classical music education beyond the sacred vocal music of his earlier years. Similar to the better-known works of Stephen Foster, these parlor songs are intended for a popular audience of home music-makers, and do not reflect the full extent of Everett's abilities. They are simple, perhaps even simple enough to be played and sung by the same performer, but in my opinion they would be respectable work for an average student in the second year of study. They flow naturally, and already show the gift of easy, singable melody that would make A. B. Everett's gospel songs last for generations.

"The Willow Cot", lyrics by J.H. Hewitt, music by A.B. Everett, 1859

5. The Everetts return North. 

Jacob H. Hall's account mentions nothing of the effects of the Civil War on the fortunes of the Everett brothers, but fortunately we have an1872 letter from Rigdon McIntosh to the New York publisher F. J. Huntington that is more direct: 
While they were in the south the war came on--I went into the southern army--they went to Canada. Why they did so, I never asked, and never knew. When the war ended we were still friends and I never lost an opportunity to forward their interests and popularity, even at the risk of injuring my own (Oswalt 15).

With the facts previously established we can now see that although the Everetts had lived in the South for a decade and made it their field of work, their sectional ties were complicated. We have no idea what their thoughts were on the greater moral questions of the conflict, but like many others, their loyalties were divided. Their roots were in the part of Virginia that was rapidly separating into West Virginia--the mountain people being less than enthusiastic for what they saw as a war to preserve the privilege of the lowland planters. Much of the Everetts' family lived in Pennsylvania (or possibly in the Washington D.C. vicinity), and they had many musical and publishing colleagues in the North. But above all, their younger half-brother, Walter, mustered into the Union Army in June 1861 as part of the 34th Pennsylvania Regiment (Africa 118, 121). He was fatally wounded in the battle of Fredericksburg and died four days later on 17 December, 1862 (Africa 121).  In 1863 L.C. and A. B. Everett published The Canadian Warbler  in Toronto, and notes in that songbook indicate their activity in Canada started as early as the fall of 1861 (34). 

Lemuel C. Everett, from Hall's Biography
of Gospel Song and Hymn Writers
 
After the war A. B. Everett next turns up in Elmira, New York as a music teacher (Elmira City Directory, 1866, 187). It was here, as Hall reported, that Lemuel C. Everett, Asa Brooks's older brother and senior partner, passed away (Hall 97; but in 1866, not 1867, cf. "Joshua Greenland"). In the late 1860s Asa Brooks was back in Pennsylvania teaching and lecturing. In the fall of 1867 he lectured in Mifflintown, in the neighboring county to his old home in Huntingdon County ("Dr. A. B. Everett"). In January of 1868 he advertised for submissions to a new songbook, with correspondence to be sent to him at Lewistown, Mifflin County, Pennsylvania. In the fall of 1868 he had mail waiting at the post office at Clearfield, Pennsylvania ("Letters"). And although it is uncertain whether he ever lived in the Cass vicinity again, there was some form of estate left in his name there after his death ("Letters of Administration"). It appears, therefore, that Jacob H. Hall was essentially right in saying that A. B. Everett returned to Pennsylvania, and kept his work in the Northern states in the period immediately following the war.

But in December 1867 A. B. Everett returned, however briefly, to the area of Virginia that had once been his home. The Shenandoah Valley Musical Convention met in Woodstock, Virginia from the 24th to the 27th, organized by Rigdon McIntosh. A. B. Everett lectured on the subject, "The History, Utility, and Influence of Sacred Music." Though shape-note instruction was gaining ground in the South and would soon outstrip the work the Everetts had done in teaching traditional notation, he was still highly regarded by the musical luminaries of the South and apparently had occasional engagements there.

6. Asa Brooks Everett's turn from metrical hymns & anthems to gospel songs.

A. B. Everett's first editorial work, mentioned previously, was with his brother in The Progressive Church Vocalist (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855). It was followed in 1856 by the Thesaurus Musicus (Richmond, Virginia: L.C. & A.B. Everett) and then the New Thesaurus Musicus (Richmond, 1858). I have not been able to examine these, but McIntosh's Tabor (New York: Huntington, 1866) identifies two hymns reprinted from Thesaurus Musicus and seven from New Thesaurus Musicus. These are essentially similar to the metrical hymns of their other, better-studied works of the next few years. A review of the New Thesaurus Musicus in the North Carolina Journal of Education noted that it contained "Psalm and Hymn Tunes, Sentences, Anthems, Chants, &c., for the use of the Choir, the Congregation, and the Singing School." The reviewer also noted that the new compositions in the book "are plain and simple, yet they are excellent congregational tunes"--which I would argue is characteristic of Everett's later gospel songs ("New Thesaurus Musicus" [Review]). 

During the late 1850s both Lemuel and Asa Brooks Everett would independently undertake denominational hymnal projects that were among the first of their kind in the Southern U.S. Though singing-school tunebooks were becoming widely available in the South, the hymnals prepared by the various religious bodies for formal worship had typically appeared in text-only form, with the psalms and hymns fitted to tunes known by heart. This reduced cost and accommodated local preferences in tunes; some had also considered the presence of notes on the page an unwelcome distraction to the act of worship. In 1859 Lemuel C. Everett edited the musical selections for The Wesleyan Hymn and Tune Book (Nashville: Southern Methodist Publishing House), based on the existing Methodist hymnal. Though traditional Southern folk hymns were included, L. C. Everett also used a number of his own hymns as well as those of Asa Brooks. The Everetts' junior partner, Rigdon McIntosh, assisted in this work and would draw on it in his later Methodist hymnals.

The very same year, A. B. Everett edited the music for Basil Manly's Baptist Chorals (Richmond: T. J. Starke). Whereas L. C. Everett and Rigdon McIntosh were Methodists prior to their involvement with the Southern Methodist hymnals, Asa's work with Manly seems to indicate a continuing adherence to the Baptist faith of his father. (Hall claims that A. B. Everett was a "communicant of the Christian Church" (100), but no further information on this subject has come to light.) Basil Manly, Jr., the pastor of the First Baptist Church of Richmond, was one of the most influential Baptists in the South, and had published the important words-only collection Baptist Psalmody in 1850 (Stoutamire 236ff.). His collaboration with A. B. Everett produced what David Music & Paul Richardson named the "most significant ante-bellum Southern effort to provide a collection of tunes for Baptist worship" (300). As usual, most of the music was written by A. B. Everett himself and his brothers (Music & Richardson, 301).

Incidentally, the notation of both The Wesleyan Hymn and Tune Book and Baptist Chorals is an example of the transition in American hymnals from open score (each of the four parts on separate staffs) to close score (soprano & alto on a staff, tenor & bass on a staff). The former is still used in the Sacred Harp books, as in the example below (from the digital copy at Michigan State University Libraries):


Note again that the melody is in the "tenor" part, above the bass, while the part sung by tenors today is in the top staff, called the "treble" in Sacred Harp terminology. Having the melody in the tenor voice with harmony parts above it is a holdover from the earliest beginnings of part-writing in the Middle Ages, and though melody-on-top writing had long since become the norm in other styles of music, it persisted in American hymn-singing as well as some folk music contexts.

In A. B. Everett's Baptist Chorals, the part we would recognize as tenor is still on a separate staff at the top, but the alto voice is placed beneath the melody on the middle staff--what some have called "semi-close score", which is as good a term as any: 


I have not found a thorough study of this phenomenon, but my initial observations from a sampling of 19th-century hymnals suggests that it dates mostly from the 1850s-1860s, and corresponds to the trend away from the oblong hymnals (such as the Sacred Harp) toward the modern "book-format" hymnal. From a practical standpoint it saved space; perhaps it was reluctance to force the "trebles" (singing the modern tenor part) to read a different clef that delayed the move to fully "close score" all at once.

In the "Music editor's preface" to Baptist Chorals (pages iv-v), A. B. Everett describes his ambitious plan: for each hymn, he would provide a familiar old tune on one side of the page opening, and a brand new tune on the other side. He took particular care to increase the selection of Short Meter tunes, citing a general lack of them in current practice. Everett also called attention to the Southern-ness of the new selections, thanking McIntosh in particular, and modestly acknowledging that "we have been compelled to insert a good many of our own compositions" (which, to be fair, was pretty common at the time). In the process of assembling a works list for Asa Brooks Everett, I have identified 35 A. B. Everett works in Baptist Chorals. All are metrical hymns, and as indicated in his preface he took pains to expand the variety of meters available. The traditional long, common, and short meters make up only half of these contributions, and the remainder are divided among 12 different "peculiar" meters. There are no chants, sentences, or anthems; Everett remarked toward the end of his preface that he intended to publish a volume of these to accompany Baptist Chorals, but there is no evidence that this came to pass (Baptist Chorals, v). Interestingly, 24 of A. B. Everett's metrical hymns appear in his brothers Wesleyan Hymn & Tune Book, and 14 of these appear in both brothers' hymnals. It would be logical and economical to collaborate in their work, especially since their projects were intended for different denominations.

At some point before 1866 A. B. Everett contributed a significant number of works to a volume titled The Church Peal, which has proven as elusive a volume as I have ever tried to track down. It is credited as a source in Tabor, edited by Rigdon McIntosh in 1866--and that is all I know. All but three of the pieces McIntosh took from it are by A. B. Everett, and all but three of these are in the traditional meters, making this a far more conservative group than his contributions to Baptist Chorals. This might suggest an earlier date, perhaps even the early 1850s.

Rigdon McIntosh, separated from his former partners by the Civil War, brought out his first independently edited work in 1866. Tabor was published in New York (probably owing to the lack of available facilities in the South), but made pains to appeal to the Southern audience (Oswalt 42ff.) As part of this effort, and reflecting his long association with the Everett brothers, he included a large number of their works. (He may also have already had ownership of, or an arrangement to use, their copyrights, but it is unclear when this transfer took place.) Out of roughly 550 works in the collection, 109 are confirmed as works by A. B. Everett, a far greater portion than was contributed by McIntosh himself. Of his 96 metrical hymns included, about two-thirds are in the traditional meters, the remainder being scattered across a wide variety of peculiar meters. The remainder of Everett's contribution includes chants, sentences, and anthems. Notable examples are the sentence "Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord" and the anthem "Serve the Lord with gladness", the most extended choral work by A. B. Everett I have found so far.














After the death of his brother Lemuel C. in 1866, Asa Brooks Everett was at a crossroads again. McIntosh's Tabor was popular (Oswalt 16), and put A. B. Everett's works in front of the American public again after the wartime hiatus. But he no longer had his brother, apparently the businessman of the family, and no longer had his right-hand man McIntosh (for reasons unknown they never edited a songbook together). A report in the Musical Advocate and Singer's Friend (forerunner to the venerable Musical Million published in Virginia by Ruebush & Kieffer) indicated that Everett was working on a new book in January 1868 ("Musical intelligence"). Everett actually published a notice about it in the New York Pioneer and Chorister's Budget that month:

We earnestly solicit our brother composers to send us contributions of Psalm and Hymn Tunes, Senetences, Anthems, Chants, etc., four our new Book of Church Music. It is our design to make the work, so far as it is possible, the honest exponent of American taste and talent (musically considered), and we shall thankfully receive contributions from any and every competent source. Of course we cannot promise to insert every composition that may be sent us, but will give it a careful and impartial examination, and use all that we think calculated to do credit to the book and the composer.

If this notice should meet the eye of any of our numerous professional friends in Canada, we express the hope that they have not forgotten the "Days of Old Lang Syne," and trust they will send us some sparkling gems form the icy North.

N.B.--All music must be sent in by the first of February next. . . (Everett, A.B., "Card")

Of note is the fact that Everett's book was on the lips of Aldine Kieffer in Singer's Glen, Virginia, and also advertised in the heart of Northern music publishing, with a special appeal to Canada. Everett was casting the net far and wide, instead of emphasizing his Southern-ness as McIntosh was wont to do. But for reasons unknown, this book never appeared. In October of 1868, John P. Morgan, reviewing his new book The Tonart (published by Huntington in New York and co-edited with Edward Roberts) noted that A. B. Everett was involved "by special arrangement" and that The Tonart "takes the place of" the work that Everett had sought to bring out earlier that year (Morgan, "Tonart [review]"). It would be a few more years before Everett achieved his goal. 

The Tonart includes 42 pieces by Everett, 33 of which appear for the first time in this work. All but four are metrical hymns, leaning strongly into Long Meter and Common Meter. One of Everett's two new anthems in this work, "Plunged in a gulf of dark despair", shows Everett's continuing experimentation with the available forms: the first section is actually his MELOS, a striking Aeolian tune in a G minor setting, which breaks off mid-stanza for a modulation to the parallel major and an entirely new, through-composed rendition of the remaining text. Incidentally, The Tonart is also the first occasion in which Everett is known to have used anagrams of his name as pseudonyms, including "Asa Bettever" and "E. A. Brooks" (the latter of which, being less obvious, carried over into some later hymnals). In a later work, The Sceptre, he also used "B. A. Teveret".

The Sceptre (New York: Biglow & Main, 1871) would appear to be Asa Brooks Everett's crowning work. It is the only church music collection, in fact, for which he took chief credit, being "assisted by" his brother Benjamin Holden Everett. It was 300 pages, containing 527 pieces of music, and was printed in the oblong or "longboy" format of the traditional tunebook. Semi-close score predominates, with close score used for pages that pack in old familiar hymn tunes in smaller print with a single stanza of text. The work begins with a "Student's Compend of Musical Notation", an 18-page summary of basic music reading with exercises, followed by  "The 'Everett System' of Teaching Vocal Music in Elementary Classes: A Guide for Young Teachers". In 27 pages, Everett gives detailed lesson plans for the first eight lessons in a vocal music class, concluding with an encouragement to the teacher to adapt these techniques for introducing new musical concepts as they are encountered in practice. He concludes this section with another 13 pages of musical works keyed to the lessons, including metrical hymns and secular choruses.


The Sceptre proper begins with metrical hymns, arranged in subsections by meter: 104 Long Meter tunes (pages 61-93), 81 Common Meter tunes (pages 94-118), and 93 Short Meter tunes (pages 119-145), followed by 146 tunes in a variety of other meters (pages 146-205). Everett himself contributed hymn tunes in more than 40 different meters. The final section of the book (pages 206-300) contains 71 works, of which 20 are labeled as anthems or "hymn-anthems", 9 are labeled sentences, and 15 are labeled chants. The first three are not always distinct in style; though generally one expects more complexity in an anthem, most of the interest is created from alternating pairs of voices, and from tempo changes, rather than from imitative counterpoint. The differences arise from text (and length): the anthem will usually treat at stanza of text (at least four lines), where the sentence is usually no more than a couplet. Thus the anthems tend to be at least two pages of music, where a sentence usually takes only one.  

Almost half of the content of The Sceptre (248 works) was written by A. B. Everett himself, often under his anagrammatic pseudonyms, and though some of them dated back to Baptist Chorals, 161 of these works were appearing in print for the first time. It was a huge body of work, the largest by far that A. B. Everett would ever publish. The other half of the contents was drawn from a wide variety of composers. Everett included 27 works by his late brother L. C., and 12 by Rigdon McIntosh. Curiously, his brother and co-editor Benjamin H. Everett is credited with only one song. Other composers with multiple contributions tended to be Northerners, such as William Bradbury, J. H. Tenney, and Hubert P. Main. Older works by Lowell Mason and Thomas Hastings were also prominent. 

Looking at The Sceptre's place in Everett's career, it shows that as late as the 1870s--his final five years--his ideal book was still very much in line with the high-minded educational works of the Lowell Mason circle of his younger days. I have not found a song in The Sceptre that I am comfortable with labeling "gospel" in the Ira Sankey/Philip Bliss vein (or even "Sunday School" in the style of William Bradbury). Though Everett made more important contributions to gospel songs, he appears never to have wavered from his ideals of a broad, classical musical education first and foremost.

Identifying a "gospel song" can be difficult in the first place. Shearon & Eskew emphasize that it has a strophic text and "often" a refrain, simple harmony with a slow rate of chord change (relative to the classical hymn), and often uses lively rhythms in the manner of popular music. The lyrics, taken from contemporary writers, also tend to be more personal and subjective than those of the traditional hymns. The Evangelical revival movement in Northern cities after the Civil War fostered this new type of church music, exemplified by Philip Bliss and Ira Sankey in the Gospel Hymns series beginning in 1875, but it was foreshadowed to a great extent by the Sunday School songbooks as far back as the 1840s ("Gospel Music"). 

The Everett brothers were not unaware of these developments, of course, and in 1860 published Everett's Sabbath Chime in Richmond, subtitled "A new collection of Sabbath school hymns and tunes, for the use of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South." I have not been able to examine this (only three copies are listed in WorldCat), but it shows their openness at an early date to working in this genre as well as the traditional hymns and choral church music. Fortunately, a digital copy exists (though of imperfect quality) for their next foray into Sunday School music, The Canadian Warbler, published in Toronto and Montreal in 1863 during their Canadian exile. (It is apparently coincidence that A. B. Everett was involved in a bird-themed Sunday School book just three years prior to the Root & Cady series Our Song Birds, for which Mary B. C. Slade--later to be Everett's most significant lyricist--was a major contributor.)  L. C. Everett's preface makes clear the intent of the work:

Convinced, by long experience and observation in training the young in vocal music, that their tastes require the frequent introduction of new tunes, and those, too, of a more sprightly and pleasing flow of melody than those heavy, dignified compositions ordinarily heard in the regular service of the sanctuary, with the view of gratifying his young friends, he has thought it best to employ tunes of the former character mainly for this work, while of the latter class a sufficient number have been inserted for all occasions requiring their use (3).

The Canadian Warbler was published in the smaller 12 cm by16 cm oblong format, which seems to be typical of the early Sunday School books (the "longboy" tunebooks such as the Sacred Harp are closer to 18 cm by 26 cm). It contains 192 songs, primarily in semi-close score but with a significant number of three-voice songs in close score. (In these the soprano and alto are on the upper staff, and the bass is alone on its staff.) Approximately 3/4 of the tunes indicate a meter, but given L. C. Everett's statement about the contents, these cannot all be assumed to be "metrical hymns" in the classical sense. On the other hand, only about 30 songs have a chorus, the easiest distinctive mark of a gospel song. Many more have a musical structure that is similar to stanza-chorus (two musical periods of equal closure), but continues the stanza across what could have been a chorus section (cf. "Jesus, keep me near the cross" and "Sweet hour of prayer"). The prevalence of dotted rhythms, root position harmonies, and a liberal use of compound meters make this collection certainly "proto-gospel" at the very least. 

A. B. Everett's identifiable contributions to Canadian Warbler number 28 songs (the copies available online come from a poorly photographed microfilm, and the top quarter of the pages is unreadable in about 25% of the book). Three of these are metrical hymns from the Baptist Chorals; the remainder appear to have been written for the collection. These new songs are primarily in 2/4 time, with a few in 6/8 or 3/4, and a smaller number in 4/4. The quarter note (or dotted quarter) has the beat, and in all but a couple the rhythm runs along in sprightly eighth notes. In other words, these are more like gospel songs than the metrical hymns which Everett had written earlier and would continue to write for The Sceptre. Notable examples of songs that approach the post-Civil War gospel song are "Will you go?" with its refrain after each line of the stanza; "I will fear no evil" with its lilting dotted rhythms in 6/8 time; and Everett's arrangement of the classic "I'm a pilgrim, and I'm a stranger." Another interesting development is the presence of a few songs that are clearly more revival songs than for the Sunday School, such as "Sinner, come, mid thy gloom / All thy guilt confessing"; "Come, sinner, come / Why longer roam?"; and "Delay not, delay not / O sinner, draw near". These would fit easily into the Sankey-Bliss era, and forecast some of Everett's better known compositions such as "There's a fountain free".

Everett's songs in the Canadian Warbler (and the songbook as a whole) do not seem to have had a great deal of reach, but he continued to contribute to the Sunday-School genre through the 1860s, with a couple of songs turning up in post-Civil War collections. It was his old associate Rigdon McIntosh, however, who would bring Everett's gospel songs to widespread use. In 1867 the ever-industrious McIntosh edited a Sunday School book published by Newton Kurz in Baltimore. Only a text index is available at present from Hymnary.org, but there are 16 texts out of this collection that had been set to music by A. B. Everett, many of them in the Canadian Warbler; it is possible that there are a number of Everett songs in this work, but I have not been able to examine it. 

In 1870, McIntosh became acquainted with Atticus Haygood, an up-and-coming Southern Methodist minister who occupied the newly created position of Sunday School Secretary. The General Conference had authorized him to bring out a new Sunday School songbook, the first such publication for the Nashville-based denomination. In the course of the next two years McIntosh relocated to Murfreesboro, Tennessee, close enough to Nashville to work closely with Haygood on this project (Oswalt 16ff.). The result was The Amaranth, published in 1872 (Oswalt 181ff.). Everett contributed only 11 new songs, but among them were his first settings of lyrics by Mary B. C. Slade, 8 in all. Among these were two that survived well into the 20th century, and one that is still in wide use: "Where the jasper walls are beaming" and "Footsteps of Jesus" ("Sweetly, Lord, have we heard Thee calling"). And significantly, all but one of Everett's contributions were in the stanza-chorus format that had become a hallmark of the emerging gospel style.

The Southern Methodists were quite pleased with The Amaranth, and McIntosh followed up with The Emerald in 1873, also from their publishing house in Nashville. In this volume he included only 7 works by Everett, four of which had lyrics by Mary Slade. Despite this small contribution (McIntosh had promised not to repeat any material from The Amaranth), The Emerald saw the first publication of "Hark, the gentle voice of Jesus falleth", a perennial invitation song among the Churches of Christ. Everett was also appearing in major denominational songbooks again for the first time since Baptist Chorals, and alongside prominent gospel composers such as William Doane, Philip Bliss, and Horatio Palmer. In the next few years McIntosh forged ahead with an even bigger project that would bring Everett and Slade songs to a nationwide audience, and Everett was supplying him with new material; unfortunately he would not live to see how popular his gospel music became.


Good News was Rigdon McIntosh's next major Sunday School collection, published by Oliver Ditson, one of the largest music publishers in the country. (Oswalt speculates that McIntosh may have leveraged a copyright dispute with the Boston giant to get this deal (206-208).) McIntosh was probably working on this by 1874 (Oswalt 206), and perhaps had unused material from the Methodist collections. The preface of Good News also indicates that Everett was closely involved until his untimely death in late 1875. McIntosh's comments are worth quoting at length:

It will be noticed that we have inserted a large number of vigorous compositions from the able and experienced pen of Dr. A. Brooks Everett, who, when we commenced this work was in his usual health, and, as he had so often done before, kindly gave us free access to his well filled portfolio, with a promise to furnish more, if necessary. But before the selections were all made we received the intelligence of his sudden death, which so saddened our heart that for a time we felt as though we could never finish the book. God grant that "THE MEETING PLACE" may verily be in heaven, our "BEAUTIFUL HOME."

McIntosh dedicated one of Everett's songs, "Loved one, farewell" (page 127) with the words, "In memoriam--Tuesday morning, Nov. 23, 1875", referring to the date and time of Everett's death. In a note at the bottom of the page he gives this interesting insight into the interaction of Everett, McIntosh, and lyricist Mary Slade:

This is one of several beautiful "songs without words" that my true and well tried friend, Dr. A. Brooks Everett, contributed for these pages only a short time before his death; and to me, it is as sweet as anything Schumann ever wrote. The words are Mrs. Slade's and I thank her for them: the dedication is mine.--R. M. McIntosh.

McIntosh surely is saying that Everett wrote music that was later matched up with words, at least part of the time; it also appears that at least in this instance, Mary Slade wrote lyrics to the music instead of the other way around. The syllabic structure is 5.4.5.4.6.6.6.4, and it is curious to think that a composer would write such an unusual piece with the expectation that the lyricist would work around it. But we will likely never know what their arrangement was, or how much McIntosh was involved in pairing word and music.

Good News, then, is practically a memorial to Asa Brooks Everett's work in the gospel genre, and a worthy one it is. He is represented by no fewer than 36 works in a book of 160 pages; it seems as though the eye falls on his name at every turn of the page. Only eight of the works are reprints, drawing especially from The Amaranth or The Emerald; the remainder were, so far as I can tell, new works made for this publication. Some of the lyrics are settings of traditional hymns from authors such as Frances R. Havergal, Horatius Bonar, Reginald Heber, and Frederick William Faber. The outstanding group, however, are the dozen songs with lyrics by Mary B. C. Slade:

To the earlier pair of classics from The Amaranth ("Sweetly, Lord have we") and The Emerald (Hark! the gentle voice"), McIntosh adds another three: "Beyond this land of parting", "There's a fountain free", and "Who at my door is standing?", all of which are still in use among many of the Churches of Christ, and appear in the hymnals of many other groups.

In estimating the impact of Everett's different genres of church music, it is instructive to look at the number of instances his tunes are found in hymnals at Hymnary.org. His top five gospel songs, in descending order (using the more accurate number of instances from the Mary Slade texts page):

By contrast, his most popular metrical hymn tunes in the Hymnary.org database were RICHMOND (13 instances) and ASHVILLE (11 instances), and none of his anthems, sentences, or chants are listed at all. Everett's metrical hymns did linger in a few places; the Southern Methodist Church continued to use some of this material until their reunification with the Northern denomination, and for reasons unknown The Brethren Hymnal of 1901 (Old German Baptist Brethren) used no fewer than 25 metrical hymns by A. B. Everett. But for the most part Everett's metrical hymns passed into disuse within a generation or two.

Mary B. C. Slade, 1870s?
hymntime.com/tch
The greater longevity of Everett's gospel songs can probably be explained as a happy combination of several factors. First, he had a gift for simple and pleasant melody and harmony. When I mentioned above that I could sing and play his parlor songs at sight, it was no boast about my (modest) abilities as a performer, and neither was it a slight against the music as if it were trite or simplistic. Ease of singing at sight often indicate that the music is logical and elegant--poorly written music is far harder to read! Everett wrote the gospel songs in a simple, folk-like manner, avoid chromaticism or complex melodic figures, because he was writing for children. In the same vein, Mary Slade's lyrics are easily scanned and easily sung, but also thoughtful; she avoided flowery turns of phrase in favor of direct and simple language. Both Everett and Slade were capable of more complex expressions, but instead put the best of their abilities into the simple framework of a children's song. Not surprisingly, then, as the gospel genre worked its way from the Sunday School to the revival meeting, and eventually into the regular worship service, these well-written songs survived. They offer thoughtful words and singable tunes, for adults as well as for children.

Whether this move into gospel songs was Everett's goal, or was just a matter of opportunity and the need for work, is an interesting question. For one thing, he got into the gospel genre much earlier than I realized before beginning this study. The Canadian Warbler was a forward-looking sort of book for its time, and showed at least a willingness to engage the genre long before McIntosh's books in the 1870s. It would be illuminating, no doubt, to get a look at Everett's Sabbath Chime to see how much A. B. Everett contributed to that volume as well. On the other hand, he obviously put a great deal of effort into The Sceptre, from1871, which may be the book he was unable to publish back in 1868. He might well have been writing gospel songs for McIntosh's Amaranth while he was finishing up his own testament to the Lowell Mason-style tunebook. Given the breadth of the types of composition he took on, it is believable that he saw the value of both genres when they were written well.

7. Asa Brooks Everett's death.

Obviously the last five years of A. B. Everett's life were highly productive--he brought out his first and only sacred music collection as chief editor, The Sceptre (New York: Biglow & Main, 1871), and he was writing gospel songs for Rigdon McIntosh's books, set to Mary Slade's lyrics, that would become his true legacy in church music. But something was amiss in Asa Brooks Everett's life, and we are likely never to know exactly what that was. The events leading up to his death on November 23, 1875, are as follows.

Everett had organized a vocal music class in Humboldt, Tennessee by at least the 11th of November, 1875 (McIntosh, Good News #22). (Humboldt is about 20 miles north of Jackson, so closer actually to Memphis than to Nashville.) He was still teaching there on the 18th ("Over the county").  On Saturday the 20th he arrived in Alamo, Tennessee (13 miles east of Humboldt) and announced his intention to begin a series of vocal music classes on Monday the 22, beginning with an evening lecture  (Johnson). What actually transpired on the 22nd is best described by Isaac M. Johnson, a leading citizen of the town, who wrote an account for the Nashville Tennessean in an effort to inform A. B. Everett's family of his fate:

Our little town was thrown into a state of unwonted excitement last Monday, when it became known that Dr. A. Brooks Everett, a professor of music, had taken about 12 grains of morphine, for the purpose of destroying his life. He took it in the presence of one of our citizens, who made an effort to get the deadly drug from him, but failed. All the physicians of our town went to his assistance, and everything that skill and close attention could suggest was done to counteract the effect of the poison, but without success. Dr. Everett died at a quarter past 2 A.M., on the 23rd inst. . . .

If this should ever reach [his family], it will no doubt be a consolation to them to know that, though a stranger here, their brother received every possible attention, and was decently buried in our town cemetery, on the 24th inst. (Johnson)

The date of Everett's death was almost immediately confused by the newspapers, some putting it on the 20th (the date he arrived in Alamo), and some putting it on the 22nd, the day he took the fatal dose. His Pennsylvania certification of death said "on or about the 22nd day of Nov. 1875" ("Date of death"), but the person giving the statement probably did not know that he survived into the early hours of the next day. In the 1876 songbook Good News, his colleague and friend Rigdon McIntosh dedicated the song "Loved one, farewell" (lyrics by Mary Slade, music by A. B. Everett) as follows: "In memoriam--Tuesday morning, Nov. 23, 1875."

City Cemetery, Alamo, Tennessee
photo by Cristie at Findagrave.com

Johnson's account of the cause of death states that Everett took the dose "for the purpose of destroying his life," and another local news account simply said he "committed suicide in Alamo last week" ("Tennessee news"), but there was another interpretation given in the newspapers of the Shenandoah Valley where he had lived and worked. In the Staunton Vindicator, it was described as an "overdose of morphine taken to quiet his nerves" ("Sad death"). This may have been softening the language out of concern for his family's feelings, but also suggests that those better acquainted with him knew he used morphine for this purpose. That opens up the possibility that he was, like many doctors of his era, an accidental addict.

Barry Milligan's research has pointed out the rapid rise of the abuse of morphine in the middle of the 19th century, especially following the Civil War when it emerged as a wonder drug for relieving pain. Combined with the new technology of the hypodermic needle and easily controllable doses, it was also perceived as a modern and scientific (Milligan 542). Only in the closing decades of the century did the medical community begin to sound the alarm over the danger of addiction, the dynamics of which were still little understood. In 1883 J. B. Mattison published a disturbing report in the New York Medical Record titled "Opium addiction among medical men," in which he claimed that "Physicians form a large proportion of opium habitués in general." In his case records of treating doctors with addiction, he found some taking as many as 12 grains a day, and one even using 30 grains a day, reflecting the diminishing effect of the drug over  a lengthy period of abuse (Mattison). It is possible that A. B. Everett was a long-term addict, for whom higher and higher doses were needed to achieve the desired effect, until he accidentally overdosed. Whether intentional or accidental, it was a terrible way to lose such a gifted man, whose songs have lifted so many spirits over the years.

In Closing

What exactly brought Asa Brooks Everett to this sad end will never be known this side of eternity. We can only note the considerable talents he demonstrated in his short life, and wonder what more he might have done. I cannot help but think of great composers of years past whose lives were cut short--Henry Purcell, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Felix Mendelssohn, George Gershwin--and what they might have done with a few more decades. Perhaps a more appropriate comparison, however, would be Ludwig van Beethoven. In a letter to his brother, he once admitted that when he first learned of his declining hearing, he contemplated ending his life--in 1802. We would never have had the Waldstein Sonata, or the Rasumovsky quartets, or Fidelio. We would never have had the Eroica Symphony, or the 5th Symphony, or the 9th Symphony and its Ode to Joy. What the world would have been denied! And though most of us will never write a symphony--or perhaps even a moderately successful hymn--we will never know until eternity how much our presence and influence has meant to someone else, or how God's will may have been accomplished through us. May we all continue in His service until He calls us in His time.




References:

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University of Nashville, Medical Department. Catalogue for the Session of 1857-8. [Nashville?] : John T. S. Fall, 1858. https://archive.org/details/universityofnash00univ

"Vocal music." Memphis Daily Appeal, 6 February, 1857, page 2.

"Vocal music." Nashville Union and American, 16 January 1858, page 3. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn85038518/1858-01-16/ed-1/seq-3/

"Vocal music." Winchester Home Journal (Tennessee), 5 December 1857. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn97065088/1857-12-05/ed-1/seq-1/

“Whig Club.” Huntingdon Journal 25 September, 1844, page 4. Newspaperarchive.com.